Author: john mcgowan

Kenneth Burke

I am working my way through old thumb drives and came across this introduction to Kenneth Burke’s work that I wrote for some sort of Blackwell Companion. I do not know if it ever was published. But the essay strikes me as a useful overview of Burke’s work. So I offer it here for what it’s worth.

     Kenneth Burke is an American polymath whose work offered an alternative to the New Criticism by focusing on the pragmatic ways that literature serves as “equipment for living.”  His resolute refusal to understand the literary as a distinctive use of language or literary criticism as a discipline separate from wider sociological analyses anticipated the move away from formalism and return to context characteristic of literary theory in the 1980s and 1990s. 

     Ever the maverick, Burke never graduated from college.  He quit Columbia after a year and took up residence in Greenwich Village in the early 1920s, where he associated with American modernists such as William Carlos Williams.  He served as editor of the important modernist little magazine The Dial, wrote poetry, novels, and criticism, and also took up various social science research jobs to pay the rent.  His work is influenced by such an eclectic assortment of figures—from medieval theologians like Duns Scotus through to Nietzsche and the social psychologist G. H. Mead—that it comes as no surprise that he has proved uncategorizable.  He belongs to no discipline and founded no school, even though his books are endlessly suggestive and have proved particularly important to academics in rhetorical and communication studies.  Burke never held a formal academic position although he did teach for many years at Bennington College and lived long enough to bask in the acclaim when a new generation of literary theorists discovered him at the end of the twentieth century.  

     Burke’s work relevant to literary theory is best divided into three phases.  This division is somewhat artificial, but it helps to organize an overview of his long career.  The first phase encompasses his work during the 1920s and 1930s, particularly the key texts Permanence and Change (1935) and Attitudes Toward History (1938), as well as the essays collected under the title The Philosophy of Literary Form (1941).  During these years, Burke did not offer a handy name for the kind of work he was doing, but he can be seen groping toward a dynamic account of literature that can do justice to its expressive and social power.  On the expressive side, Burke argues that literature allows for the hypothetical examination of “attitudes,” of possible ways of relating to the self, to others, and to the world.  Attitudes, Burke insists, are “incipient actions.”  To take a stance toward the world is to relate to it in a particular way and, subsequently, to act on the premises embedded in that relation.  Literature offers the fullest possible play for an imagination of possible actions and their potential consequences.  What particularly catches Burke’s attention—and defines his genius as a literary critic—is the way literary texts “convert upwards and downwards” by changing names and contexts.  Hence, for example, by conversion downward, Aschenbach’s desires in Death in Venice can be rendered as the lust of an old man for a young boy.  But conversion upward would read his desire as a love that opens up to him realms of insight previously unavailable.   

     Crucially, the “logic” of literary texts is never straightforward, but rather tied to the development of tropes, doubling of fictional characters, associations triggered by puns, and flights of fancy that often defy explanation. Thus, literature illustrates the ways humans create values and “reasons” (motives) for action, while also providing the means foe personal and social transformation. The various metamorphoses and associational pairings in texts extend outward from the author or the protagonist to include the audience and, through them, the social.  Partly through his affiliations with “Popular Front” leftists who were trying to forge mass political movements in the 1930s, Burke becomes interested in “rhetoric,” in the ways that artistic works can serve to constitute communities.  Literature has real-world impacts both by priming selves to act and by creating groups that cohere through “identification” with the same goals, same leader, or same overarching vision (ideology).  By 1941, partly through his famous essay, “The Rhetoric of Hitler’s Battle,” on Mein Kampf, Burke had become fascinated by the plot and figurative dynamics through which a text identifies (produces) a “foreign” element, a scapegoat, and sets about to purge it.  This interest in scapegoating persists throughout the rest of Burke’s career.

     The second phase of Burke’s career sees him attempting to systematize his insistence that “literature is symbolic action.”  Following in the footsteps of pragmatist social theorist George Herbert Mead, Burke tries to develop a full-scale philosophy of the act.  (The parallels to the work of Russian literary theorist Mikhail Bakhtin are striking, but Burke, like others in the West at the time, did not know Bakhtin’s work.)  Burke calls his theory “dramatism” and planned to expound it in a trilogy: A Grammar of Motives (1945), A Rhetoric of Motives (1950), and A Symbolic of Motives.  This last work was never completed, although pieces of it were published in a volume entitled Essays Toward a Symbolic of Motives (2006) after Burke’s death.  By “motives,” Burke means the attitudes, values, and beliefs that move a person to act.  His “grammar” attempts to identify the necessary conditions of any action, of which there are, he says, five: the act, the agent, the scene of action, agency (means), and purpose.  A Grammar of Motives offers what amounts to a history of philosophy in terms of which of the five elements a particular philosophy emphasizes.  To take “the scene” as most crucial, for example, leads to naturalism and other kinds of determinism that view the environment as dictating what actors do.  To place the greatest emphasis on the agent would mean the kind of voluntarism we associate with certain extreme versions of existentialism.  The “ratios” that try to weight the different roles played by the five elements can be quite complex and Burke traces out these intricacies through commentaries on a dizzying array of figures from the history of Western thought. 

     Presiding over the whole enterprise, although this is never explicitly acknowledged, is Hegel, partly because Burke in this middle phase aspires to the kind of all-encompassing system that Hegel also strives to produce.  But most importantly because the mode of thought is relentlessly dialectical.  For Burke, any philosophy that highlights one element of the pentad at the expense of another will inevitably produce a reaction, a new theory or philosophy that picks up the neglected item.  His philosophy, by way of contrast, will try to be inclusive, to do justice to the roles played by all five elements.  I think it fair to say that Burke’s does not realize his systematic ambitions.  A Grammar of Motives is usually accounted Burke’s masterpiece, but that is for the wealth of insights it offers on an astounding range of topics and figures, not because he constructs a grand synthesis.  In fact, despite his aspirations, Burke is not a systematic thinker.  He is constantly chasing side thoughts.  His digressions are famous and his distinctive style—full of italics, scare quotes, and parentheses—reflects the almost manic quality of his thinking, always on the edge of skittering completely out of control.

     A Rhetoric of Motives then considers “the use of words by human agents to form attitudes or induce actions in other human agents.”  Rhetoric is the social component of language, focusing on its use to form communities and foster action in concert.  It involves “the use of language as a symbolic means of inducing cooperation in beings that by nature respond to symbols.”  Burke especially emphasizes “identification” of a recognizably Freudian sort.  The rhetor aims to get his audience to identify with, to feel themselves “consubstantial” with a group or an ideal.  One effective way to achieve this goal is by processes of association that link the group or ideal the writer wishes to promote to already cherished values.  So, for example, I might try to liken the effort to combat global warming to the program that sent human beings to the moon.  I would try to transfer the positive feelings about the mission to the moon to a willingness to get enthusiastically involved in this new effort. 

     Presumably, the final volume of the trilogy was going to examine the specific symbols that language utilizes as human agents form their motives.  The reasons Burke failed to complete that third volume are unknown.  Obviously, he struggled with it since he went over ten years before publishing his next book, The Rhetoric of Religion (1961).  And that new book introduced another shift in his work, from “dramatism” to “logology,” Burke’s third phase.  This new vision picks up a major theme in A Rhetoric of Motives and pushes it to its logical conclusion.  Burke argues that any linguistic account that aims to describe a scene comprehensively will inevitably produce a hierarchy of terms that leads from the smallest particular up to the highest, most inclusive term, which Burke labels a “god-term.”  For example, physics moves from sub-atomic particles up through atoms and molecules to something called “matter.”  For Burke, “matter” is physics’ god-term, which functions, crucially, both as the motive of the whole enterprise (to offer an explanation of matter) and to exclude certain considerations (physicists do not acknowledge spiritual causes).  “Logology,” then, would be the analysis of any system of linguistic ordering that details its hierarchy and thus understands what it aims to achieve and what it serves to exclude.  The problematic claim is that every use of language, no matter what the field or the occasion, has precisely the same structure.  Burke appears, in his final works, to adopt a tragic determinism.  Humans are always and everywhere addicted to hierarchy and to monistic, mono-theological, modes of thought that always produce excluded victims, punitive orthodoxies, and the conflicts generated by various heresies.  The essays collected in Language as Symbolic Action (1966) reinforce this tragic vision by offering sweeping definitions of “Man” and of “Language.”

     Paradoxically, Burke’s vision narrows as a result of his attempt to be all-encompassing.  The universalism of the claims made during his “logology” phase makes everything look the same—and this from a writer whose greatest strength was his unsystematic, even chaotic, enchantment with particular cases.  Seen this way, Attitudes Toward History becomes Burke’s strongest book since it focuses on their being plural possibilities, a variety of different attitudes (with an “s”) that humans might adopt as they face the world and decide how to act, how to live, within it.  Similarly, the resources upon which humans can call as they take up this task are many.  The book offers a catalogue of those resources without ever claiming that any must be chosen or that any choice has inevitable consequences.  Not surprisingly, in surveying this open field, Burke comes to announce that his own perspective is “comic,” a perspective, he claims, that “by astutely gauging situation and personal resources . . . promotes the realistic sense of one’s limitations” yet does not succumb to a “passive” fatalism.  Human action cannot carry all before it, but it is not utterly futile as well.  Learning to roll with the punches is the great comic virtue, an adaptation of attitude to circumstance.  Burke at his most magnificent awakens us to full glory of human resourcefulness—and highlights how literature especially puts that ingenuity on display while also putting it through its paces.

“The New Earth” and the 1970s

I have just finished reading the novel, The New Earth, by Jess Row.  In many ways it is a mess of a book.  About a dysfunctional family, one that the novel overburdens with not one trauma, but five.  I won’t list them to avoid spoiling your reading pleasure.  But let’s just say that it’s three traumas too many.  And there is a jejune bit of meta-fiction (or postmodernist high jinks) running through the book, in which “the novel” announces its requirements in ways that add nothing to the impact or import of the novel.

That’s because, as is usually the case, the novel’s excellence comes from its portrayal of an array of characters and the ways in which they strive to navigate life in the United States from 1970 to the era of Trump. (There are some masterful meta-fictions in which character and mundane observation play no role.  So I am not saying it can’t be done.  But it is very hard to pull off, and most excellent novels do what novels have always done, dissect society through the travails of individual characters.)

To be clear: The New Earth is the best novel I have read recently. I highly recommend it, flaws and all.

A loud despair runs through Row’s book; by its end, the three children of the family have declared the US unlivable—and take their father off with them into exile.  In one way, that’s why the multiple traumas are too much.  We don’t need over the top horrors to understand why people suffer in the contemporary US.  Enough to register the cruelties of everyday life—and the helplessness many of us feel about doing anything to remedy them.  The most sympathetic of the novel’s characters is the daughter who works as a lawyer trying to help terrified immigrants in Trump’s America.  We see how she is overwhelmed, with far too many cases than she could ever effectively handle, and fighting a judicial bureaucracy that even when it is not being deliberately cruel (which happens often enough) is battered into indifference by also being overburdened.

In short, the novel is just about the best account I have read of the pain and fear that comes from living in the contemporary world.  The family’s other daughter joins a peace group trying to protect Palestinians from Israeli settlers, so the horrors are not confined to the US. 

Not surprisingly, the novel has nothing to offer in the way of solutions—except finding a separate peace.  The characters leave the US in search of that peace, hiding out from history as it were, and tending to their own gardens.

Which leads me to the 1970s.  The parents of the dysfunctional family spend a fraught few years in the middle 70s in a Vermont commune presided over by a Japanese Zen master.  The novel does a marvelous job capturing the spirit of the 70s—which was a decade of separate peace making.  The failures of the revolutionary, transformative hopes of the 60s yielded the small-scale, personalized experiments of the 70s.  I know that’s a cliché, but Row makes it take on flesh.  The search for alternatives was real—and while never a mass movement, it did motivate a fairly large sub-culture. 

And Row’s novel ponders why it all fell apart.  Why, as if determined to show Margaret Thatcher was right when she declared there are no alternatives, a belief in other ways of living, in an ability to create and sustain those other ways, just dissipated, leaving nary a trace behind.  It all just disappeared: the hope, the experiments, the conviction that mainstream society was not just cruel, but fully and truly insane. The determination to have no part in that insane society–and the various ways people actually acted on that determination. Not some fantasy of moving to Canada, but setting out to establish communities where a different life could be lived and sustained. The novel’s ending–with its surviving characters going into exile–both reprises the 70s despairing conclusion that only a separate peace is possible with the added despair of not even believing one can, with friends, create the place of that separate peace. No running away to create a community, just running away, is all we can manage to imagine (and sometimes, although rarely, do) in the 2020s. After all, how many people really do move to Canada?

I graduated from college in 1974 and immediately started grad school in the fall of that year.  I didn’t know anyone who was dropping out to pursue some utopian alternative.  My fellow students at Georgetown were disappointedly conventional and conservative.  No doubt most of them voted for Reagan a few years down the road.  The atmosphere at Buffalo was entirely different.  I had traded conservative kids from Northeastern Catholic high schools for Jewish grad students, a surprising number of whom were “red diaper” babies.  From being just about the most radical kid on campus in DC, I went to being a boring middle-of-the-roader in upstate NY. 

Grad school in Buffalo during those years was a mess; apparently its teetering on the edge of anarchistic chaos was the after effect of its actually having been mired in anarchistic chaos in the years from 1968 to 1972.  A kind of fragile order had been restored, but there was still a lot of pulling in various contradictory directions, basically filling the whole spectrum from the Trotskyite Sparticus revolutionaries to the careerist academics on the faculty and in the grad student ranks.  The careerists were on the defensive and a distinct minority in Buffalo.  It wasn’t until I got to Berkeley in 1977 that I encountered true academic careerism in all its tedium and stuffiness.  The kind of place where people would not venture an opinion because something “was not in their field” and where obsession with the “profession’s” pecking order, both locally and nationally, was as pronounced as any minor Austen character’s constantly reaching for his Debrett’s. 

All of this to say that in Buffalo one could imagine that academics was itself an alternative.  Having one’s cake and eating it too.  Certainly that was the case for me.  After all, I ended up in Buffalo halfway by mistake.  I would have gone to Yale or Cornell if they would have had me.  I did know that Buffalo was at the forefront of “theory”—in which I was interested.  But I would have gone to deadly conservative Minnesota if they had given me a better stipend.  So I wandered into the Buffalo anarchy with only the dimmest idea of what I was getting into.

But I had been reading the various radical tracts of the 60s—Marcuse, N. O. Brown, Charles Reich, Philip Slater.  So I did have the image of books that could intervene in the here and now, that were promoting alternatives, that were paving the way toward a transformed world.  So I was primed already to think I was preparing myself to be a similar kind of prophet, one who mobilized ideas to move the world forward. 

I think it is that image of an audience that meant I could never have fled into a commune.  Prudence no doubt also played a huge part.  I wanted/needed a job, a sinecure if you will.  Already in 1974 the American Philosophical Society was warning prospective graduate students that their job prospects were iffy.  A professor of mine at Georgetown ran into me the summer of 1974.  When he learned I was going to grad school, he advised me to learn a trade—carpentry or electricity—along the way, so I would have something to fall back on.  A far different take (and a more refreshing one) than my encounter in 1978 with one of the Berkeley professors I had gotten to know.  I told him I was doing adjunct work for $900 a course at the University of San Francisco while I looked for a tenure track job.  What kind of tenure track job, he asked.  In my dreams, a liberal arts college.  Well, he replied, have you contacted Reed?

Back to prudence.  I couldn’t step off the pier into the unknown of a commune.  But I also couldn’t do it because I wanted to address the world.  I wanted to be a writer and I wanted an audience.  So I needed to believe (and it proved, eventually, approximately true) that the academy would afford me the freedom and autonomy and financial means to do my own thing, to pursue what interested me and what I thought should interest (and influence) others.  There was a long apprenticeship, with freedom only coming after tenure, but the academy did deliver something like an alternative way of living—even if the dreams of influencing others, of contributing to a transformation of America life, did not (could not?) come to fruition. 

Thus, my own 1970s hopes were dashed; the robust goals of dramatic change scaled back to the miniature spaces of the classroom and the family.  Even my efforts at transforming academic culture came to naught.  I spent most of my academic career at UNC trying to break the strangleholds of departments and of individually conducted research in how the university organized itself and how faculty experienced their careers.  To no avail.  Nothing I did in that regard had even a minimal impact.

True, UNC is a particularly conservative place.  True interdisciplinary structures and fantastic collaborative work have been introduced and have flourished in other places.  But I couldn’t get UNC to move in those directions.  I had plenty of co-conspirators (so my use of “I” here is misleading), but we failed.

In other words, I ended up with my own separate peace.  I had a more than satisfactory career, in terms of loving my students and the classes I taught, in terms of writing what I wanted to write to the best of my abilities, in terms of the respect and regard of my students and colleagues.  But nothing I did made any difference in terms of providing alternatives to the way life is organized and lived in the US.  I could only watch—as so many of my generation did—while the dominant mode (call it “neoliberalism” if you will; I have called it “the return of ruthless capitalism”) only tightened its grip on every corner of the world.

That tightening grip somehow—and this is where Row’s novel is very strong—also obliterated the pockets of alternative communes and their like.  Somehow?  After all, what threat were a few scattered dissident communities, far from the mainstream, tiny in their numbers and their power?  Yet they, too, had to be driven into the maw.  Swallowed whole and made extinct.

How?  Part of the story is the inflation of the late 1970s.  It is hard to convey to people today how cheap life was in the early 70s.  My grad stipend was $270 a month; if you were paying $75 a month for rent in Buffalo in 1974, you hadn’t looked hard enough.  If you had no income, no steady job, you couldn’t expect raises that at least took inflation into account even if lagging behind.  Things that could be done for almost no money in 1972 (like finding a place in the country and scraping by on what you could grow and casual labor) were impossible by 1978.  Poverty—real, soul and body destroying poverty—drove people off the communes as the decade unfolded.

There were multiple other causes as well.  But I want to return—and end—with this question of audience.  The communes were always, to some extent, demonstration projects.  They were meant to prove to a skeptical world (which, in reality, might shrink down to skeptical parents and other family members) that an alternative was possible.  But you couldn’t go into a commune unless you also had very strong ties to your fellow communards; they were the audience you were most cathected to.

That’s where I didn’t have it.  I was cathected to the imaginary audience of readers.  Those were the people I wanted to address.  I had turned my back on my parents, had succeeded to a large extent in not caring a whit if they approved of what I was doing or not.  We didn’t share any values by that point; they were Catholic Goldwater Republicans.  My only retained inheritance from them was a strong commitment and emotional attachment to monogamy.  I had no interest in or sympathy for 70s sexual experimentation or revolution, although very sympathetic with both feminism and the gay liberation movement. 

In any case, I was not attached to a local audience or community.  The lack of such ties meant setting off into the woods with a small group of like-minded others was never a possibility for me.  But, inevitably, the courage and romance of that attracts my admiration.  And the failure of those efforts both disheartens and intrigues me.  Why couldn’t they by sustained?  And why, today, have we gotten to the point where such utopian efforts don’t even exist any more?  A total loss of hope—and of vision—and of deep attachments to a cadre of others. 

We are thrown back on the family—or on church communities.  There is almost nothing else in the way of lived solidarities out there. Especially if we think of institutional supports for those solidarities. Yes, there are networks of friends, but never organized into ways of life, or (perhaps more radically) ways of sustaining life, of securing the basic necessities.  For that, you must go to the market; you can’t provide them for yourself through a small-scale collaboration with friends. 

That’s what the demise of the 70s spirit means.  Experiments are no longer even tried.  Everyone buckles under to the imperatives of the marketplace and to the intolerances of a society that scorns all alternatives and punishes those who, for whatever reason, cannot manage or refuse to bow to the demands of the market.  A society that visits the economic sins of the fathers on their offspring, making it well nigh impossible to climb out of the pit of poverty. 

So, yes, I miss the 70s with its sense of possibilities.  I was mostly a by-stander to, not a participant in, its experiments, which does seem a lamentable prudence.  But I was a fellow traveler in the sense of being a sympathizer.  I wanted the experimenters to succeed.  I hated the inevitable smug “I told you so” that followed the multiple failures.  I could mostly overlook the experimenters’ excesses and their often ludicrous rhetoric in order to honor their courage in trying to forge a new path.  And I can feel very melancholy when I read a novel like “The New Earth” and experience afresh the hopes that drove so many 70s alternatives and the eventual crushing of those hopes.

Justice and American Politics

I want to open by saying (which will prove ironic in light of what I want to say) that I am currently reading Dante’s Divine Comedy for my sins.

I have elsewhere said that I think the fundamental dividing line between right and left in US politics can be quickly characterized by their different understandings of what justice means.  To be blunt: I think this is one of the two or three most cogent and valuable insights I have had in my life.  So I violate my usual rule of not repeating myself to express the basic idea again in this post.

It’s not like anything I have ever proposed in print has been taken up by others.  But this one insight I do think could be of use, so it disturbs my sangfroid in ways the general disregard for my writings does not.

Here’s the basic idea—and how it relates to Dante.  In the Paradiso, Canto 7, Dante is at pains to explain the logic of the Crucifixion.  Basically, he says that forgiveness of an offense is not enough.  Justice is not served unless there is also “atonement.”  Some price must be exacted in order to cancel the debt the offense has created.  (These economic metaphors are completely and utterly inescapable once some “payment” is required for having done wrong.  Similarly, one cannot avoid talking about “reward” for good deeds when operating within the same paradigm.)

Of course, Dante’s Inferno is the place for individualized atonement—and Dante can barely conceal his glee that the big reprobates have to pay the price forever.  No atonement can suffice in their case.  The Crucifixion is about atonement for original sin, for the whole mass of human sins. Canto 7 explains why only the suffering of Christ could erase that stain. God can’t just forgive mankind its misdeeds. (Of course, it’s easy to ask “why not?” And it won’t surprise you that Dante’s answer to that question is tortured and not very convincing. His answer: humans, via Adam’s sin, had fallen from the perfection with which they were created. Being imperfect, humans could not themselves restore their perfection. Only God could do that–and he could only do it be becoming human himself and “atoning” for Adam’s sin by suffering death by Crucifixion. And answer that raises more questions than it answers–in my humble opinion.)

When it comes to individualized punishment in hell, Dante is usually a bit too human to rejoice in the sufferings endured by those he encounters, but he has no doubt of the justice of their being there, as stated (among other instances) in lines 10-12 of Canto 15 of the Paradiso.  “It is well the he grieve without end who, for love of a thing that does not last eternally, divests himself of that other love” (where the “other love” is the love for and of God, a love that does last eternally.) There is just no atonement at all available for some people.

In short, there is always a soupcon of sadism and of self-satisfaction in the justice that motivates the right: people should get what they deserve.  So the bad guys should be punished, and the good guys (me!) deserve all the rewards you can pile up.  Meritocracy with a vengeance (quite literally).

The harshness is the point; it cannot be siphoned out to create some sort of “compassionate conservatism.”  Even if the paternalism imagined in compassionate conservatism were to be enacted, it would be within the strict limits of the family (i.e. citizenry).  Dubya may actually have been a sincerely compassionate guy, a true believer in No Child Left Behind (a noble slogan after all).  But the compassion was certainly not going to extend to Afghans or Iraqis.  The right is fueled by righteous indignation—and the desire to meet out punishment to those who “deserve” it, while augmenting the spoils divided up among the blessed. 

That’s why American conservatism is shot through and through with a certain version of Christianity.  Meritocracy—and the outraged sense that taxes take my hard-earned and well-deserved wealth and give it to the unworthy—is just another version of a religion built upon dividing sinners from non-sinners, and equating justice with the sinners getting hell and the non-sinners getting heaven.

Leftists are talking of something altogether different when they talk of justice.  Maybe you could torture the left wing notion of justice into the language of “desert.”  But the idea centers on what people deserve by the basic fact of being human.  What we owe to one another as humans.  Some basic set of ways to satisfy fundamental material and psychological/social needs.  The things required to render a life worth living.  The means to forging a flourishing life.  Shame unto the society that begrudges those things to any in its midst. Such a society is unjust.

The left’s idea of justice has some Biblical sources as well (of course).  But as Dante’s poem reminds us: ministers of vengeance and cupidity seem to usually have the upper hand in the Christian churches.  There are always heathens and heretics at the door—and surely god does not want you to extend a helping hand to them.  All that love your enemies stuff is overwritten by the doctrine of god’s eventual justice, of the fact of hell. If even God can’t love wicked humans, but sends them to hell, then there is a definite limit to what enemies you are enjoined to love.

So the two sides talk past one another.  The right sees threats, enemies, and (simply in some cases) the undeserving.  The reprobate not only bring suffering upon themselves,  but it also outrageous if society does not act to punish them, to make them pay for their waywardness. Why leave punishment to the next world when you can get the jump of divine vengeance in this one?

The left (bleeding heart liberals) saves its indignation for the cruelty of a society that treats those it deems unworthy so harshly.  Its cries for justice are for society to do right by these neglected souls, not to heap more suffering upon them.

What Can Poetry Do?

Here’s a review I wrote of a book on modernist art by Charles Altieri. Of interest because Altieri is a vigorous opponent of the notion that art can be directly political, even as he offers a distinctive vision of what art does have to offer us in the way of resources to reflect upon and act within the present moment. The review appears in symploke Vol. 30, Nos. 1-2 (2022) ISSN 1069-0697, pp. 335-341.

Review of Charles Altieri, Modernist Poetry and the Limitations of Materialist Theory: The Importance of Constructivist Values (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2021), viii + 280 pp. 

     What can modernist art offer the present?  Over the past thirty years, many readers have sought to mine that art for insights into the conditions of modernity and the forces that shape those conditions.  Art represents or reflects the society in which it is produced—and thus enhances our understanding of the world and (perhaps) offers alternatives to taken-for-granted prevailing modes of existence.  More recently, this brand of political materialism has morphed into a “new materialism” that purports to replace sociology with ontology.  The world is replete with active forces whose interaction produces  specific situations.  Capacious art works capture the constant flows and surprises of the dynamic scenes we all inhabit. 

     In both cases, critics look to the descriptive power of the arts to deliver insights into the world.  In his new book, Charles Altieri sees this “descriptive, epiphanic” mode as dominant within contemporary poetry specifically and in what literary studies generally looks to the arts to impart.  Altieri’s goal is to offer a strong alternative, one that depends on an allegiance to the non-representational work done by the modernist artists (Braque, Picasso, Malevich, Pound, Moore, Stevens, Eliot, Ashbery, and Geoffrey O’Brien) he calls “constructivists.”   These artists explore how “objects and persons might be able to display the force of their presence, and they establish a range of subject positions for which finding the appropriate concepts was less important than imagining how a responding consciousness might cooperate in making those modes of presence emerge.  This imagining had to orient itself toward a questioning of who members of the audience might become by virtue of participating in what the making elaborates as possible distributions of subjectivity” (22).  It is what the arts can create, the possibilities that they can open up, rather than any report about the way things are that is important. 

     Not all artists are constructivists; it would be foolish to deny that many works of art do aspire to some version of realism, to tell us something about the world. (In what follows, then, take every statement about “art” to only apply to constructivist art.) But Altieri thinks we lose perhaps the most valuable and distinctive thing the arts can do if we neglect how the arts can exemplify and celebrate the creative powers of the imagination.  In addition, the arts display the various subtle ways that self-consciousness registers its encounter with the world and its experience of its own capacities.  Political materialism, he believes, is mired in an inescapable ironic dissociation from a world identified as cruel and unjust, thus missing the affirmations that art can offer.  Here is Altieri at his most exalted and most inspiring: “Poetry as a theory of life involves demonstrations that the imagination is not an evasion of the real but a way of complementing it by aligning it with our most intimate structures of desire.  Such demonstration has to replace interpretation by celebration, or, more accurately, by the performance of celebration that aligns our capacities for affirmation to the world of fact” (150).  Against the world-weariness and despair generated by our political obsessions, Altieri wants to offer the triumphs of art’s engagement with its materials and its successes in constructing those materials into works that astound and delight us even as they invite us to join in the creative process. 

     The new materialism, with its focus on activity, might seem more aligned with Altieri’s constructivists.  Certainly, in the current debates about “critique,” writers like Bruno Latour and Rita Felski mobilize the new materialism to distance themselves from the kinds of political criticism that Altieri also wants to decenter from prevailing critical modes.  But Altieri argues that the new materialism is reductive.  It simply has no vocabulary or theoretical armature to handle the intricacies of consciousness and self-consciousness.  No third person scientific account can capture “the phenomenal awareness of what it is like to be in a given state” (231); “what is known [on the basis of that phenomenal awareness] cannot be reduced to the result of a cognitive judgment” (233).  We enter deep waters here—and I will only cite Altieri’s allegiances rather than detail the arguments he advances for them.  He is committed to the view that the arts can deliver experiences that are not well understood if we try to assimilate our “take away” from such experiences to models or modes of cognition.  And he is committed to a base level humanism: we cannot do justice to human experience if we do not attend to “how the mind can structure what it confronts” (230) and how consciousness can experience phenomenally the emotions and pleasures that its structuring exercise generates.  Furthermore, the artist can then develop modes of expression that display that structuring activity, modes that invite an audience to participate in that structuring, and that call self-conscious attention to the emotions, pleasures, and difficulties that accompany that activity.  These human expressive and conscious capacities are not shared by creatures or objects that do not produce art works.  Any materialism that does not take into account what art displays about these capacities fails the test of inclusiveness.  There is a vital part of human phenomenal experience that such materialisms miss. 

     Wisely, Altieri devotes himself almost exclusively to elaborating his alternative instead of getting mired down in polemics against materialism. (The polemics are offered only in the Introduction and the Epilogue.)  What the reader mostly gets is a bracing and thrilling articulation of an aestheticism that aims “to model the force of self-conscious affirmation” (154).  Where many contemporary readers turn to the arts for a denunciation of modernity and all its works, Altieri looks to the arts to mobilize powers of imagination that simultaneously celebrate human capacities and “enable us to participate in establishing a full sense of the real” (155).  The encounter of selves with “the necessities of living” (154) is the scene for a poiesis that activates emotions and apprehensions that the artist composes self-consciously into a relationship to the non-self (the real and others).  “[T]he imagination becomes simply a means of attending to possibilities inherent in observation and dwelling on them as opportunities for adjusting one’s sense of an inner life” (155).  Through this second-order artistic exploration of the meeting of self and non-self, both are articulated, are intensified, come into focus.   

     Crucially, for Altieri, this exploration is dynamic and open-ended, manifested as a process not a product in the modernist works he cherishes.  In displaying this process, the work invites the reader/audience to participate in it.  The work does not deliver a message; it explains nothing.  Rather, it displays or exemplifies modes of relating selves to otherness (of all kinds)—and offers the satisfactions of what those modes enable in the way of felt emotions and/or the pleasures of activating, putting into practice, our imaginative powers.  “Construction must elaborate fields of relation that can align imaginative labor with what would be without it utter poverty” (166).  Art vivifies the world and the human in that world, thus providing the grounds for affirming the world and our habitation in it.  Constructivist artists highlight “the satisfactions of a freedom of mind seeking to play a fuller part in how the world emerges” (167). 

     If all this sounds vaguely (or even precisely) Hegelian, that’s because it is.  Altieri clearly believes that the non-human only comes to realization through the apprehensions of consciousness.  His explicit invocation of Hegel comes in a somewhat different register.  The modernist artists he calls “constructivist” “dramatized the power to make meaning” by foregrounding “’the powers that do the forming’ rather than ‘the final forms themselves’”(74; the quoted passages are from Paul Klee). “And these modes of significance depend in turn largely on how the work invites self-conscious identification with the force of that making” (74).   

     Altieri mobilizes Hegel’s concept of “inner sensuousness” (from Hegel’s Lectures on Fine Arts) to capture this focus on the mind’s activity of composing the work.  What constructivist artists do is try to make concrete, try to embody in apprehensible forms and images, the invisible work of mind, of imagination, of self-consciousness. Such art makes “the process of reflection both the subject and sensuous object that we produce as readers” (205). We might want to think of “objective correlatives” here, but that would miss just how “sensuous” Altieri finds the exercise of mental capacities and the emotions that such exercise unleashes.  Inner sensuousness is achieved by a work when that work “so embodies the activities of the maker that the making itself takes on a concrete objecthood available to all those willing to participate in how the work organizes its energies” (44). The great pleasure and great triumph of Altieri’s book comes in his intricate and thrilling readings of selected paintings and poems, his way of tracking the artist’s way of organizing energy and the ways in which the artist invites us to participate in that work of organization.  What those readings invariably impart is the full glory of stretching oneself to the limits of one’s abilities.  The poverty of a life in which one doesn’t participate in the making of meanings and the elaboration of possibilities shadows the exuberance of the play in which artists engage. 

     In his eleven previous books, most of them focused on twentieth-century poetry, Altieri has amply demonstrated his ability to illuminate even the most difficult material.  Stevens might be called Altieri’s lodestar, bringing out his best, while surely no commentator makes a better case for Ashbery’s claim on our attention.  In his current book, to accompany Altieri as he reads Moore’s “A Grave” is to follow a master in slow motion so as to savor every move.  The characteristic Altieri reading identifies what the poet is striving to attain, and then explains the poem’s twists and turns in relation to the obstacles that must be overcome to achieve the desired end.  Of course, not all poems get what they want, but their dynamism, their energy, the logic of their unfolding rests in their striving, and readers best enter into the poem when they follow the path of those efforts while identifying (if only provisionally) with its aims.  When he turns to Eliot, Altieri eloquently shows how Eliot’s religious poetry aims to make “Christian principles visible as concrete states of self-consciousness, despite the domination of secular attitudes toward what constitutes experience” (116).  The “post conversion poetry and plays” foreground “the capacities of self-consciousness to establish relational fields responsive to something other than any natural order shaping the contours of experience” (117).  Hence Eliot partakes in the more general dilemma of the limits of a stringent naturalism.  Nature gives us hurricanes and cancer, so it cannot itself serve as a standard for what one values and what is good.  But developing other grounds for judgment is not easy and, under modern conditions, does not yield any stable foundations.  The poet must work his way to his values laboriously and tentatively—and the reader is invited along on the journey.  Altieri’s chapter on Eliot made at least this reader more open to the strivings of the portentous Four Quartets than ever before.  

     The “high modernists” (Frank Kermode’s term) Altieri finds inspiring have not had a good run lately.  They are accused of a multitude of sins, some of which they actually committed, and attention has shifted to less canonical figures or to readings that don’t take the high modernists on their own terms.  And Altieri’s brand of aestheticism can look both all too familiar and depressingly inadequate when posed against the challenges of our bleak time.  His insistence that art should eschew “practical understanding” can look like Auden’s defiant insistence that “poetry makes nothing happen”—a position that can seem to doom art to ineffectual irrelevance.  Certainly, many modernist artists and (arguably) most contemporary literary critics are trying to secure art’s practical significance, not its non-practicality.  Altieri insists that “we submit to practical understanding only at a substantial cost” (11).  We lose art’s ability to “disrupt” the “smooth flow from particular to concept to action” (11).  An art that doesn’t aspire to “guide action” is always throwing sand in the gears, endeavoring to get us to attend to what in the situation might not “fit our conceptual schemes” while also inviting self-conscious attention (and possible revision) of “guiding attitudes and investments” (11).  Art of the kind Altieri favors makes us pause, makes us re-think and re-evaluate and reconsider our received opinions and feelings.  Art’s distance from the practical can make what seems “poverty . . . become a virtue if the poets produce modes of attention to how language might fuse with experience to provide momentary senses of liberation from our fate as social beings” (181).  We can wriggle out from under—if only momentarily—the weight of received meanings and attitudes. 

     Hardly a satisfactory formulation of art’s political impact if you say you want a revolution.  I think Altieri’s book strongly implies, without ever explicitly stating, that asking art to be directly politically effective is to court inevitable disappointment.  Contemporary literary studies wants the wrong thing from art—and thus misses the wonderful, precious things art can deliver. But there are moments when Altieri hopes for something more from art than momentary liberation. In stressing the way that the works he discusses invite “participation,” Altieri reprises another familiar modernist concept that can be traced back to Eliot: “impersonality.”  Despite their concentrated attention to the self’s (to a particular mind’s) encounter with the world, Stevens, Eliot and the others he discusses, in Altieri’s view, reach for articulations that cross the boundary between self and other.  They do so by “treating the work as involving participation in the activity of the maker” (17).   

     “Impersonality” limns a desirable politics in two ways.  First, the imperative of impersonality is embedded in any artist’s need to use forms and materials (words, color, canvas, poetic forms etc.) that pre-exist her and are socially (i.e. non-individualistically) possessed.  The purely private can make no claim on an audience’s attention—and certainly will have great difficulty in inviting that audience’s participation.  It seems fair to say that all the modernists Altieri celebrates were “devoted to displaying how the private in fact can become a public force” (96). Thus, Marianne Moore’s use of quotations in her poems offers “a striking emblem of sociality, since the world experienced is a world held self-reflectively in common with numerous other commentators” (99). 

     The second point is related to what we might call the problem of “uptake.”  If the poet activates meanings that depart from practical and received understandings, will those alternative meanings be picked up by readers? Once taken up by others, those meanings are no longer personal or idiosyncratic.  Because he emphasizes so strongly the co-production of meaning by writer and reader, Altieri builds in a model of how the arts might create new social relations.  Altieri touches very, very lightly on this possibility, as if nervous of making too extravagant a claim about art’s powers at a time when we commonly ask the arts to do too much.  His modest account of how poetry might be political comes through his discussion of Geoffrey O’Brien’s method and aspirations.  O’Brien writes of an “’immaterial commons’ in which ‘we read not of things but of dispositions toward the thingly.’”  Altieri comments: O’Brien “sees himself facing two antagonists—a capitalist social system that wants to repress the effects of inequality by treating injustice as written into something like historical necessity, and an engaged poetry that makes promises of political effectiveness it cannot sustain.  Poetry might be able in the long run indirectly to influence social change because we can find in that commons the sense that our cares and responses to those cares have a great deal that is shared.  And we find in this space the possibility of celebrating one another’s freedom because these freedoms are grounded in this group awareness” (210). 

     Poetry, then, can contribute to the creation of a commons, to the establishment of a magnanimous sociality, only by being impersonal and intersubjective—not the word handed down by the poet, but in the words co-created by poet and reader in a process of coming to meaning.  It is not what the poet tells us (hence Altieri’s resistance to seeing art as representative and to approaches that emphasize art’s cognitive benefits for understanding the world), but the activities to which the poet invites us.   

     Put that way, Altieri’s vision seems anything but modest, even if it is not directly or particularly political.  He is at one with the most exalted modernist aspirations to re-word the world even as their work would re-establish basic social relations on an entirely new basis.  This project lies somewhat buried in Altieri’s book because he slides from “meaning” to “value” occasionally, but never takes up their relation explicitly.  I think, however, that basically he believes that what we find meaningful, what we deem worthy of attention and appreciation, is what we affirm as valuable.  The invitation that the modernist poets offer us, in his view, is the opportunity to self-consciously consider our values and the processes (pleasurable in themselves) by which we create those values.  And the hope is that participating together in those processes will lead us to recognize what we hold in common and to cherish/promote the goods required to make participation available to all.  We don’t need artists to tell us the world is unjust.  We have ample evidence of that fact all around us.  We need artists to introduce us to the joys of exercising our imaginative capacities and, through that exercise, to discover our deep connections to, and care for, others with similar capacities.