Author: john mcgowan

Power, Self-Respect, and Remorse

I have been finding it very hard lately to read any novels from start to finish.  I begin five novels for every one that I actually complete.  Most things I pick up to read strike me as thin in any number of ways: in character development, in linguistic texture, or just jejune in their portrayal of human motives and emotions.  I can recommend The Known World by Edward Jones, a book I think is an absolute masterpiece. Jones imagines a whole world out of whole cloth, and presents it in an intricate tapestry of fragmented events spread over five or six years time.  The writing is spare, but that heightens its impact.  He has a terrible story to tell, but the artistic mastery is exhilarating.  Especially when there are so many bad novels out there.

I just finished reading The Noise of Time, a 2016 novel by Julian Barnes.  It is a fictional retelling of the life and career of Russian composer Dmitri Shostakovich.  I have, in the past, found Barnes’ work fey at times, but I do get to the end of his novels (of which I have read maybe three or four.)  I picked up this one at the public library out of despair, needing to find something, anything, that I would actually read to the end.

What a pleasant surprise then to find it one of the best things I have read in ages.  The basic conceit of the novel centers around the compromises Shostakovich has to make to stay alive in the murderous world of Stalin and then Khrushchev’s Soviet Union.  The novel is a meditation on Power (always capitalized in the novel) and the demands it makes upon those over whom it holds dominion.  In some sense, it is pure Hegelian master/slave.  Power can—and will—kill you.  So what will you do to stay alive?  And if you do manage to do what’s necessary to stay alive, Power will have shredded any and all threads of self-respect.  You will have groveled, lied, betrayed others as well as yourself, and have proved to yourself and all observers your abject cowardice.  Even all that self-abasement may not be enough.  Power is fickle and may choose to execute you anyway at any moment when it no longer deems you useful to its ends—or when its paranoia sends it on one of its periodic killing sprees.

The idea that Power craves dominion, that it feasts upon demonstrating to its underlings their submission, comes through loud and clear in the novel.  And can only make one think of Trump and his need to publicly humiliate his underlings.  The latest example is making RFK Jr. eat McDonald’s burgers. 

One source of Power’s power (so to speak) is its total lack of conscience, its complete inability (refusal?) to feel remorse, its disconnect between self-respect and any assessment of its own deeds.  Maybe this is wrong; maybe Power walks in deluded self-righteousness, truly believing in the evil of its enemies and the beneficence of its own actions.  Power, of course, feeds on the production of enemy lists just as much as it feeds on the abjection of its underlings.  In any case, Barnes’ Shostakovich thinks that conscience and remorse did once hold some sway in human affairs.  Think of Henry IV in the Shakespeare plays, haunted by his crime against his lawful sovereign Richard, whom Henry drove from the throne and then killed.  But, Shostakovich thinks, such is no longer the case.

“He had judged [Shakespeare] sentimental because his tyrants suffered guilt, bad dreams, remorse.  Now that he had seen more of life, and been defeated by the noise of time, he thought it likely that Shakespeare had been right, had been truthful: but only for his own times.  In the world’s younger days, when magic and religion held sway, it was plausible that monsters might have consciences.  Not anymore.  The world had moved on, become more scientific, more practical, less under the sway of old superstitions.  And tyrants had moved on as well.  Perhaps conscience no longer had an evolutionary function, and so had been bred out.  Penetrate beneath the modern tyrant’s skin, go down layer after layer, and you will find that the texture does not change, that granite encloses yet more granite; and there is no cave of conscience to be found” (178-79).

I don’t credit the analysis; there is no evidence at all that a religious world is more moral than an irreligious one.  The barbarities of past history should put that notion to rest.  But that leaves us with the mystery.  The victim of crime is more haunted, more susceptible to self-questioning and self-collapse, than the perpetrator.  The raped is undone; not so much the rapist.  The total lack of conscience, of any portion of self-respect being tied to acting in good faith or with generosity or with kindness, comes to seem a source of power’s power, not a defect from which it will suffer.  As Edmund in King Lear puts it, the very credulousness of the good, along with their desire to actually be good, makes them easier targets for the fully and cheerfully unscrupulous.  There are no limits tyranny will not transgress.

That still leaves us the question of why others go along.  Fear of death, certainly, in the most extreme instance.  And once tyranny is established, fear of other less dire consequences for resisting: prison, loss of livelihood, loss of wealth.  Ducking one’s head and trying to live out of power’s notice will be the strategy adopted by many.  But why enable power to gain its seat in the first place?  Why the cult of the strong, even abusive, leader? 

When I was still teaching, I would ask my students how many of them had experienced a sports coach yelling at them.  Now that girls are almost as likely to have participated in sports as boys, it was usually 75% of my students who had had that experience.  And, almost to a person, they would defend the coach’s yelling, even his (or her; although it was much less frequently a her) humiliating a particular person in front of the whole group.  The coach’s actions showed he cared, they’d say—and then claim the yelling did produce better play from the team.  So, I would then ask, you want me to yell at you, to show I care, and as a good way to get better results from you?  No, they didn’t want teachers who yelled or humiliated students as part of their pedagogy.  But they were hard put to explain why such behavior was OK for the sports coach, but not for the teacher.  Or why they hated the few teachers who had deployed such tactics while admiring the coaches who did similar things.

Barnes considers the admiration for tyrants by having Shostakovich think not of sports coaches, but of orchestra conductors, especially the notorious, but much lauded, Toscanini.

“Such conductors screamed and cursed at orchestras, made scenes, threatened to sack the principal clarinet for coming in late.  And the orchestra, compelled to put up with it, responded by telling stories behind the conductor’s back—stories that made him out to be a ‘real character.’  Then they came to believe what this emperor of the baton himself believed: that they were only playing well because they were being whipped.  They huddled together in a masochistic herd, occasionally dropping an ironic remark to one another, but essentially admiring their leader for his nobility and idealism, his sense of purpose, his ability to see more widely than those who just scraped and blew behind their desks. The maestro, harsh though he might of necessity be from time to time, was a great leader who must be followed. Now, who would still deny that an orchestra was a microcosm of society?” (87).

Irony, the novel makes abundantly clear, is pitifully inadequate response to tyranny.  Yes, while trying to keep your head low, you will try to salvage some self-respect by only offering your assent ironically.  You always reserve to yourself the knowledge that you see through them, and don’t assent in the deepest recesses of your soul.  But not only is irony totally ineffective, accomplishing nothing, but you can only trick yourself for so long if you are one of the unfortunates who truly values self-respect.  It won’t take much to recognize how cheap irony is, how pathetic a dodge. 

“And irony has its limits.  For instance, you could not be an ironic torturer; or an ironic victim of torture.  Equally, you could not join the Party ironically.  You could join the Party honestly, or you could join it cynically; those were the only two possibilities.  And to an outsider, it might not matter which was the case, because both might seem contemptible.  . . . If you turned your back on irony, it curdled into sarcasm.  And what good was it then?  Sarcasm was irony that had lost its soul” (190-91).

John Quiggan, the Australian economist and blogger, tells us Trump will be a dictator. (Find his short post here: https://crookedtimber.org/2024/11/19/trumps-dictatorship-is-a-fait-accompli/#comments)

Right now, in the brief interlude before Trump takes office, the Americans I talk to are fearful, but don’t really believe that full-blown tyranny is our future.  We might very well be sleep walking; Quiggan may be right.  And then we will have to learn the awful expedients to which one resorts to in order to live under tyranny—and learn just how much self-respect each of us is willing to sacrifice to insure survival.

Capitalism, Climate Change, and Affordable Housing

William Davies has a thought-provoking review of The Price is Wrong: Why Capitalism Won’t Save the Planet by Brett Christophers (Verso, 2024) in the latest London Review of Books (https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v46/n07/william-davies/antimarket).

The basic point of the review (and, presumably, of Christophers’ book) is that the imperatives of capitalist profit are a major impediment to making any progress in moving away from fossil fuels to renewable sources of energy.  The specifics of the argument are simple and compelling, but have far-ranging implications.  Basically, fossil fuel extraction generates a profit rate of approximately 15% a year for the oil companies.  Yes, there are the original investment costs of exploration and setting up the drilling sites, plus refining processes, but the resultant gasoline can then be sold at a premium price.  Renewables also require a large initial investment—but they don’t yield a product that can be brought to market except within the confines of heavily regulated utility markets.  On average, solar and wind generate a profit rate of 8%.  Davies quotes Wael Sawan, the CEO of Shell: “Our shareholders deserve to see us going after strong returns. If we cannot achieve the double-digit returns in a business, we need to question very hard whether we should continue in that business. Absolutely we want to go for lower and lower and lower carbon, but is has to be profitable.” The bottom line uber alles; investors will not move their money from oil to solar because the rate of return is not sufficient enough.

This economic logic means that capitalists basically insist that they will act only if subsidized (bribed) by the state.  There are really only three alternatives here—and states have been very reluctant to use two of the three.  1) States could introduce strong tax or other policies that would drive down the profit rates enjoyed by oil companies.  States have basically refused to take this approach because of the fear that heavily taxed (or otherwise thwarted) companies will just move their operations to friendlier venues.  Capital is mobile, states are not. 

2) De-risking.  States can assume the risk of capital investment, while leaving the profits in private hands.  This kind of backstopping of financial risk is, of course, rife in the financial markets.  The response to 2008 was a classic case of the state assuming the burden of the losses generated by financial overreach, even as bankers and brokers happily pocketed their somewhat smaller bonuses.  For all its cowboy talk of risk, capitalists love nothing more than a sure thing—and will blackmail the state into providing that surety any chance they get.  But de-risking is not relevant to the switch from oil to renewables.  It’s not the risk that is preventing that switch; it is the smaller profit rate.

So that leaves #3) state subsidies.  We see that with Biden’s so-called industrial policy.  The state will make the up-front investments needed—and then private enterprises will get to pocket the profits. (Something similar happens with government funding of the R&D needed to develop new drugs.) If the state builds the infrastructure for renewables, then the profits for the companies that then come in to manage them will go up.

The whole thing is supposed to work via carrot not stick.  Make investing in solar profitable enough and capital will move in that direction.  Rely on the magic of market incentives.  Except that there is more than enough capital sloshing around out there in search of safe returns that even as solar and wind get developed, fossil fuel extraction is not being slowed down.  Money is not moving out of oil toward renewables, especially when it is the state, not capital markets, that are supplying the funds to build the renewables.  Without a strong intervention into the way capitalist markets and incentives work, the production and use of fossil fuels will continue apace. As long that is, if there is money to be made in fossil fuels, capitalists will do the work to make it.

What does this have to do with affordable housing?  I read Matthew Yglesias and Noah Smith pretty faithfully—and anyone familiar with them and their ilk know that creating “abundant” housing (as well as abundant energy) is one of their major passions.  The basic argument is that market-based solutions are the only way to reach the goal of enough—and affordable—housing.  Here’s a link to a recent Noah Smith blog post that will give you the flavor of the kinds of arguments he and Yglesias regularly make. (https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#inbox/FMfcgzGxSbrtnkhNWfpnKDTnSWnzFsvh  The relevant section is number three in this list of five “interesting things.”)  Developers won’t build housing at all if they don’t stand to make a “reasonable” profit.  So, this particular piece argues, if you make them build “affordable units,” they just won’t build at all (unless, of course, there is a public subsidy that acts to push their profit margin back up.) 

In short, you have to bribe developers to build affordable housing—and, even then, the percentage of affordable units in any new development will be fairly small.  My hometown of Chapel Hill offers a case in point.  The town passed a ten million dollar bond to increase affordable housing.  Some of that money went to rent subsidies, but a large amount of it went to developers—and new apartment buildings and complexes are going up all over town.  At most, these new developments include 15% affordable units; in most cases, the percentage of affordable units is well below that.  The average for all the projects appears to hover around 12%.

In other words, to get access to the lucrative Chapel Hill market, developers must agree to provide some affordable units—and they get a monetary bribe to do so on top of permission to build.  Even worse, the town reports that only 10% of these new units are “permanently affordable.”  That is, after the originally tenants move out, rents can revert to “market rates.” (Source: Town of Chapel Hill web site and its various reports on development approvals and affordable housing.)

It is for exactly this reason that Noah Smith’s blog post argues that mandating the inclusion of affordable units is a losing strategy.  But because he will not countenance any interference in market processes, Smith has only two other strategies to offer. 1) Rent subsidies.  Just having the government help tenants pay their rent.  (Smith, like all economists, insists that rent control does not work.)  2) Let developers build non-affordable (i.e. market rate) housing.  If we build enough, the law of supply and demand will kick in and rents will fall.  It’s simply a question of getting enough supply.  Yes, the new units will go for a premium, but older housing will become cheaper as it becomes less competitive, less desirable.  This insistence that building new housing, no matter how expensive, will eventually drive down costs is an article of absolute faith for Yglesias, Smith, and all the other soi disant YIMBYs.

The problem is: how much is enough?  In Chapel Hill, it’s a Red Queen race. Why?  Because more and more college students have abandoned dorms for off-campus living.  Because die-hard TarHeel fans buy condos to stay in when coming to football and basketball games.  Because the town is very, very desirable for retirees and for those with school-age children (best school district in the state) and for its general laid-back, liberal, college town vibe.  It will always be a game of catch-up in Chapel Hill.  The demand will always outstrip the supply.  And it’s an upscale market, so the cost is always going to reflect that the town is an enclave for the comfortably off. 

The market signals and the market processes are very clear in the Chapel Hill case: build it and they will come—and they will pay a premium price to be here.  Waiting for the market to drive prices down means waiting a very, very long time indeed.  And renders the subsidies the town is paying to developers a token gesture that, effectively, is providing developers with access to this market while doing very little to move the needle on housing affordability.

Where does that leave us?  Rolling up the ladder and just preventing any growth, any new housing development?  That seems unconscionable.  But it does seem like we should recognize that the market rules of the game are rigged.  The developers hold all the good cards.  They can always go elsewhere—to places where the bribes will be bigger, or where there is no demand to include affordable units. (That’s why Smith thinks jurisdictions should just abandon making that demand.) And the town has no capacity to build anything itself. They have no recourse but to placate developers if they want any new housing built at all.

Public housing has not been a success in this country.  Perhaps it has been elsewhere (I don’t know enough on that score.)  But giving up on state-built and state-managed housing doesn’t necessarily mean we have to fall back on the market as currently configured, that we just have to resign ourselves to giving into all the developers’ demands .  Public utility companies work pretty well, as do public hospitals.  We have instituted profit limits for medical insurance and regulate other forms of insurance as well.  The YIMBYs say housing—and especially zoning—regulations stand in the way of our achieving housing abundance.  But do we really want to leave provision of a basic need to the market?  We, as a society, intervene in all kinds of ways in the production and pricing and quality of food. Our food policies are, admittedly, a mess. But would we really want unregulated food production and distribution, to return to the adulterated products of nineteenth-century laissez-faire?

It is no surprise that developers in Chapel Hill are currently playing the cards that are dealt them.  They are gaming the system that currently exists.  No doubt they would work to game any other system of regulations that were put in place.  But that’s no reason for the community and its local government to fold, to just throw up its hands and say “let the market have its way; it’s too strong for us.” 

Smith blog post concludes: there are only two effective strategies.  Let builders build and provide rent subsidies.  Trying to build affordable housing just doesn’t work, in his view.  What he does not consider (if we accept that publicly built and administered housing is off the table) is developing a housing policy that regulates the market in ways designed to get the results everyone claims to want: enough and affordable housing for everyone. 

In Chapel Hill’s case, such a policy would, for starters, have to be state-wide.  As a single jurisdiction, and in competition with other jurisdictions, Chapel Hill doesn’t stand a chance.  It is forced into making terrible deals with developers because of the threat that they won’t build here at all.  And then (very annoying) we have to hear about everything they are doing to address our affordable housing crisis—when in fact they are collecting a bucketful of water in a deluge.  That the hands of local government are tied is a terrible thing—and is leading to terrible outcomes that do next to nothing to solve our problems.  Accusing their opponents of racism hardly covers their own futility. 

We are back where we started.  It is pretty much universally accepted by liberal economists that health care cannot be left to an unregulated market.  But those same liberals seem to have come to the opposite conclusion when it comes to housing.  The prevailing orthodoxy among self-labeled “progressives” is that we need to deregulate, to take away impediments to development, so that abundance may be achieved.  But that position overlooks the relentless—and amoral—search for profits that the market unleashes and rewards.  To expect developers to solve our housing problems is as unrealistic as it is to expect Mobil to solve our climate crisis.

Richard Rorty and Qualia

I have recently finished reading Richard Rorty’s Pragmatism as Anti-Authoritarianism (Harvard UP, 2021).  The book is basically a series of lectures Rorty gave in Spain in 1996, but which (although published in Spanish in the late 1990s) were only published in English in 2021.  Some of the material from the lectures, however, were incorporated into essays Rorty did publish in English.

The occasion for reading the book was to participate in a conversation with my friends Graham Culbertson and Meili Steele—a conversation that will be published as a podcast on Graham’s site, Everyday Anarchism.  I will post a link when the episode goes live.

We did not, in our conversation, get deep into the weeds about Rorty’s epistemology.  We were more interested in his politics and directly in his “anti-authoritarianism” (as befits the context of an interest in anarchism).  Rorty’s claim in the lectures is that a “realist” epistemology (that aspires to a “true” account of how the world really is) is another version of theology.  That is, realism off-loads “authority” to some non-human entity, in this case “the world” instead of “God or gods.”  We must bow before the necessity of the way things are.

For Rorty, there is no definitive way things are, only different ways of describing things.  He understands that his claim 1) goes against “common sense” as well as the views of realist philosophers like Peirce, John Searle, and Thomas Nagel; and 2) cannot be itself justified as a statement of how humans process the world (i.e. as any kind of claim about how humans “are”).  There are no knock-down arguments for his non-realist position as contrasted to the realist one. 

The only basis for argument is comparative.  Try out my way of seeing things, says Rorty, and judge whether you find the consequences better.  I was surprised, reading Rorty this time, just how hard-core a consequentalist he is. The only criteria for making choices (whether they be choices of philosophical positions or choices about how to act) is whether one choice leads to more desirable outcomes than another.

Better for what?  That depends entirely on what one’s purposes are.  I can piss in the urinal or I can put it up on the museum wall and call it “Fountain.”  Neither use (or description) gets the urinal “right” (i.e. gets to some “truth” or “essence” or core identity about it).  Both are possible descriptions/uses of it amid a myriad of other possible uses/descriptions—and no one description/use is more fundamental or real than any other one.  Rorty’s is anti-reductionist and anti-depth. There is no basic “stuff” that underlies appearances, no essence lurking in the depths.  The physicist’s description makes sense within the language game of physics just as Duchamp’s description makes sense within the language game of modernist art.  But neither one can claim to tell the “real truth” about the urinal; each only illuminates another way the urinal can be described in relation to languages that humans deploy in pursuing different endeavors.

Along with being anti-reductionist (no description is more fundamental than any other or offers a way of comprehending other descriptions) and anti-depth, Rorty’s position is that identity is always relational and only activated (valid) in specific contexts.  Hence the appeal to Wittgensteinian “language games.”

What a thing “is” is only a product of its relation to the human who is describing it.  Rorty names his position “pan-relationalism.”  (Title of Chapter Five.)  His position is “that nothing is what it is under every and any description of it.  We can make no use of what is undescribed, apart from its relations to the human needs and interests which have generated one or another description. . . . A property is simply a hypostatized predicate, so there are no properties which are incapable of being captured in language.  Predication is a way of relating things to other things, a way of hooking up bits of the universe with other bits of the universe, or, if you like, of spotlighting certain webs of relationships rather than other webs.  All properties, therefore, are hypostatizations of webs of relationships” (85-86).

As a fellow pragmatist, I am inclined to accept pan-relationalism.  I very much want to be an anti-reductionist and an “appearances are all we get” kind of guy.  Many years ago I coined a slogan that I think captures this pragmatist view.  To wit:  “nothing is necessarily anything, but every thing is necessarily some thing.”  What this slogan says is that (to go back to the previous two posts) the things we encounter are plastic; they can be described—and related to—in a variety of ways.  Those things underdetermine our responses to, understandings of, and descriptions of them.  We can adopt any number of relational stances toward what experience offers.  So that’s the denial that anything is necessarily some particular, definitive, inescapable thing.

The other side of the slogan says: we do adopt a stance toward, we do make a judgment about, we do describe what we encounter.  We characterize it.  And in the Putnam/Burke manner of denying the fact/value divide, that adoption of a stance or a mode of relationship is dependent on the assessment we make of what experience (or the “situation”) offers.  We don’t just perceive or encounter something; we assess it, enter into a relationship to it (even if that relationship is indifference.  Relationships come in degrees of intensity, from judging this is something I needn’t attend to all the way to passionate involvement.) The claim is that we necessarily adopt some stance; there are multiple possibilities, but not the possibility of having no relation to the thing it all, to leave it utterly uncategorized. It will be “some thing,” although not necessarily any one thing.

Rorty offers his own version of this denial of the fact/value divide.  “To be a pan-relationalist means never using the terms ‘objective’ and ‘subjective’ except in the context of some well-defined expert culture in which we can distinguish between adherence to the procedures which lead the experts to agree and refusal to so adhere.  It also means never asking whether a description is better suited to an object than another description without being able to answer the question ‘what purpose is this description supposed to serve’? (87).  Since all relations to objects are relative to purposes, there is no such thing as a non-relational observation that allows one to “represent the object accurately” (87) as it is in itself. 

So I am down with Rorty’s pan-relationalism.  But where he and I part company—and what generates the title of this blog post—is his denial of any relations that are non-linguistically mediated.  What Rorty wants to jettison from the pragmatism that he inherits from his hero Dewey is the concept of “experience.”  To Rorty, “experience” is just another version of the realist’s desire to establish a direct contact with the stuff of the universe. 

“Pragmatists agree with Wittgenstein that there is no way to come between language and its objects.  Philosophy cannot answer the question: Is our vocabulary in accord with the way the world is?  It can only answer the question” Can we perspicuously relate the various vocabularies we use to one another, and thereby dissolve the philosophical problems which seem to arise at the places where we switch over from one vocabulary into another? . . . . If our awareness of things is always a linguistic affair, if Sellars is right that we cannot check our language against our non-linguistic awareness, then philosophy can never be anything more than a discussion of the utility and compatibility of beliefs—and, more particularly, of the vocabularies in which those beliefs are formulated” (165).

In the vocabulary of my last two posts, Rorty writes: “Sellars and Davidson can be read as saying that Aristotle’s slogan, constantly cited by the empiricists, ‘Nothing in the intellect which was not previously in the senses,’ was a wildly misleading way of describing the relation between the objects of knowledge and our knowledge of things. . . . [W]e [should] simply forget about sense-impressions, and other putative mental contents which cannot be identified with judgments” (160).  No percepts in the absence of concepts.  No sensual experiences or emotional states that have not already been judged, already been subsumed under a concept.

This position—that there is no “non-linguistic” experience against which our words are measured leads to Rorty’s denial of “qualia.”  He accepts Daniel Dennett’s assertion that “there are no such things as qualia” (113), a position Rorty must defend (as Dennett also attempts to do in his work) against “the most effective argument in favor of qualia,” namely “Frank Jackson’s story of Mary the Color Scientist—the history of a woman blind from birth who acquires all imaginable ‘physical’ information about the perception of color, and whose sight is thereafter restored.  Jackson claims that at the moment she can see she learns something that she didn’t know before—namely what blue, red, etc. are like” (113).

In his usual maddening fashion, Rorty tells us the debate between Jackson and Dennett is not resolvable; it just comes down to “intuitions”.”  “The antinomies around which philosophical discussions cluster are not tensions built into the human mind but merely reflections of the inability to decide whether to use an old tool or a new one.  The inability to have an argument which amounts to manning one or another intuition pump results from the fact that either tool will serve most of our purposes equally well” (115).  I always think of Rorty of the Alfred E. Neumann of philosophers.  “What me worry?” as he makes his characteristic deflationary move: nothing much hangs on this disagreement, and there is no way to rationally adjudicate it.  You talk your way, I’ll talk mine, and let a thousand flowers bloom.

I do believe, along with William James (in the first lecture of Pragmatism), that we should be concerned about disagreements that actually generate consequential differences in behavior and practices.  Perhaps it’s because I come from the literary side of thinking about how and why one writes that I do find this difference consequential.  From the literary viewpoint, there is a persistent experience of the inadequacy of words, and a resultant attempt to “get it right,” to capture the “raw feel” of love, jealousy, envy—or of the perceptions and/or emotions that arise during a walk down a crowded city street.  Rorty’s only approach to this sense of what a writer is striving to accomplish seems to me singularly unhelpful.  He tells us that “the alternative is to take them [our linguistic descriptions] as about things, but not as answering to anything, either objects or opinions.  Aboutness is all you need for intentionality.  Answering to things is what the infelicitous notion of representing adds to the harmless notion of aboutness. . . . Aboutness, like truth, is ineffable, and none the worse for that” (171). So, it seems, Rorty accepts that we talk and write “about” things, but denies that worrying about the “accuracy” of our talk in, in any way, useful. And tells us that there really is nothing we can say about “aboutness.” Not helpful.

Note how this passage trots in the notions of “things” and of “the ineffable.”  The problem with positions that eschew common sense (i.e. the prevailing way we think about things) is that they must strive to revise the “errors” built into the very ways we talk.  Think of Nietzsche’s fulminating against the idea of “selfhood” as generated by grammatical form.  In any case, it’s awfully hard to jettison the hypostatization of “things”—which possess a kind of permanence and relative stability in their modes of manifestation in favor of a purely relational account of them (of what exactly are we talking if things have no existence except in relationship; is it impossible to identify separate entities in any relationship, or are all boundaries dissolved?)  Rorty, in fact, smuggles the world that has been well lost back in when he tells us that “we are constantly interacting with things as well as persons, and one of the ways we interact with both is through their effects upon sensory organs. But [this view dispenses with] the notion of experience as a mediating tribunal.  [We} can be content with an account of the world as exerting control on our inquiries in a merely causal way” (178-79). 

That causation merits the adjective “merely” follows from Rorty’s insistence that the world’s (or others’) causal powers upon us are distinct from the practices of (the language games of) “justification.”  We should “avoid a confusion between justification and causation, [which] entails claiming that only a belief can justify a belief” (179).  Justification is not based on an appeal to some way the world is, but to the warrants I offer for my belief that a certain stance or a certain course of action is preferable in this context.  Understanding justification in this linguistic, practice-oriented way means “drawing a sharp line between experience as cause of the occurrence of a justification, and experience as itself justificatory.  It means reinterpreting “experience” as the ability to acquire belief non-inferentially as a result of neurologically describable causal transactions with the world” (179-180). 

At this point, I think I must totally misunderstand Rorty because it seems to me he has reintroduced everything that he claimed to be excluding when he declares “I see nothing worth saving in empiricism” (189).  If the world generates beliefs through some causal process—and, even worse, if that generation of beliefs is “non-inferential”—then how have we escaped from the “myth of the given?”  Here’s what Rorty writes immediately following the passage just quoted: “One can restate this reinterpretation of ‘experience’ as the claim that human beings’ only ‘confrontation’ with the world is the sort which computers also have.  Computers are programmed to respond to certain causal transactions with input devices by entering certain program states.  We humans program ourselves to respond to causal transactions between the higher brain centers and the sense organs with dispositions to make assertions.  There is no epistemologically interesting difference between a machine’s program state and our dispositions, and both may equally well be called ‘beliefs’ or ‘judgments’”(180).  Generously, we can translate “We humans program ourselves” to mean “natural selection” has done that work—since (surely) we have been “given” the neurological equipment required to be sensitive to (to register) the world’s causal inputs.  I am pretty sure I didn’t program myself—at least not consciously.  Then again, Rorty is inclined to deny the whole notion of “conscious experience” (see page 121).

To repeat: I must be missing something here, since Rorty thinks appealing to what the world “causally” provides is radically different than appeals to qualia, or conscious experience, or non-linguistic percepts.  And I just don’t see the difference.

More directly to the point, however, is Meili’s brilliant observation in our podcast conversation that Rorty’s politics is based upon sensitivity to suffering, which is hard to claim is linguistic.  Do computers feel pain? Presumably not, which does seem to introduce an “epistemologically interesting distinction” between the computer’s processes and human dispositions. In Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity (Cambridge UP, 1989), Rorty characterizes “moral progress” as “the ability to see more and more traditional differences (of tribe, religion, race, customs, and the like) as unimportant when compared with similarities with respect to pain and humiliation” (192).  His politics works from the hope of fostering solidarity through “imaginative identification with the details of others’ lives” (190), with an understanding of others’ vulnerability to pain and humiliation central to that identification, which can produce “a loathing for cruelty—a sense that it is the worst thing we do” (190).  Meili’s point was that “pain and humiliation” are distinctly non-linguistic.  We are being gas-lighted when someone tries to convince us we are not feeling pain, have not been humiliated.  Thus, Rorty’s political commitments seem to belie his insistence that it’s all linguistic, that there are no percepts, no experiences apart from linguistic categories/concepts.  Is a dog or a new-born incapable of feeling pain? Surely not. Maybe incapable of feeling humiliated—but even that seems an open question.

Still, I don’t want to end by suggesting some kind of full-scale repudiation of Rorty’s work, from which I have learned a lot, and I remain sympathetic to much of it.  So I want to close with the passage in the book where I think Rorty’s make his case most persuasively.  It is also where he is most Darwinian in precisely the ways that James and Dewey were Darwinian—namely, in viewing humans as “thrown” (Heidegger’s terms) into a world with which they must cope.  Humans are constantly interacting with their environment, assessing its affordances and its constraints/obstacles, adapting to that world (which includes others and social institutions/practices as well as “natural” things), learning how to negotiate it in ways that further their purposes, acting to change it where possible, suffering what it deals out when changes are not feasible.  In this view, there can never be a “neutral” view of something or some situation; things and situations are “always already” assessed and characterized in relation to needs and purposes.  “The trail of the human serpent is over all” as James memorably put it; there is no “innocent” seeing.

Here’s Rorty’s version of that way of understanding how humans are situated in the world.  “Brandom wants to get from the invidious comparison made in such de re ascriptions as ‘She believes of a cow that it is a deer,’ to the traditional distinction between subjective appearance and objective reality.  It seems to me that all such invidious comparisons give one is a distinction between better and worse tools for handling the situation at hand—the cow, the planets, whatever.  They do not give us a distinction between more or less accurate descriptions of what the thing really is, in the sense of what it is all by itself, apart from the utilities of human tools for human purposes. . . . I can restate my doubts by considering Brandom’s description of ‘intellectual progress’ as ‘making more and more true claims about the things that are really out there to be talked and thought about.’  I see intellectual progress as developing better and better tools for better and better purposes—better, of course, by our lights” (172).

We are in the Darwinian soup, always navigating our way through an environment that provides opportunities and poses threats.  There is no way to abstract ourselves from that immersion.  And Rorty thinks we will be better off if we make common cause with the others in the same predicament.