Author: john mcgowan

Democracy and Capitalism

Lots of backlog of things to write about.  But let’s start with Robert Kuttner’s superb article on Karl Polanyi in the most recent New York Review of Books. (Behind a paywall.)

Here’s Kuttner’s first paragraph:

“What a splendid era this was going to be, with one remaining superpower spreading capitalism and liberal democracy around the world.  Instead, democracy and capitalism seem increasingly incompatible.  Global capitalism has escaped the bounds of the postwar mixed economy that had reconciled dynamism with security through the regulation of finance, the empowerment of labor, a welfare state, and elements of public ownership.  Wealth has crowded out citizenship, producing greater concentrations of extreme inequality and instability, organized less for the many than for the few.”

All to true.  As various commentators have said, at least Stalin and Hitler claimed to have an ideology that justified their murderous ways.  For Trump, it’s just power.  Take that you underlings—and like it!  It’s just power.  Who, after all, is going to stop them?

And here’s Kuttner’s last paragraph:

“Democracy cannot survive an excessively free market; and containing the market is the task of politics.  To ignore that is to court fascism.  Polanyi wrote that fascism solved the problem of the rampant market by destroying democracy.  But unlike the fascists of the inter-war period, today’s far-right leaders are not even bothering to contain market turbulence or to provide decent jobs through public works.  Brexit, a spasm of anger by the dispossessed, will do nothing for the British working class; and Donald Trump’s program is a mash-up of nationalist rhetoric and even deeper government alliance with predatory capitalism.  Assuming democracy holds, there could be a counter-mobilization more in the spirit of Polanyi’s feasible socialism.  The pessimistic Polanyi would say that capitalism has won and democracy has lost.  The optimist in him would look to resurgent popular politics.”

The first point is that Hitler was a Keynesian.  Economic growth and stability insured by massive government spending.  Profits to the manufacturers, sure.  But jobs for the masses as well.

The second point is that Kuttner is a social democrat of my stripe.  Market and state must be balanced, each one working to tame the potential abuse of power by the other.  The time is out of wack because that balance has been destroyed.

This doesn’t mean a blind commitment to current political institutions—or to the state as currently configured.  But it does mean seeing politics, as Kuttner puts it, as fundamentally required to tame the market.  (My next post will feature some wonderful suggestions from Dean Baker about how to do jus that.)

Against this social democratic vision can stand the work of various leftists who say social democracy is a dead letter, a form that no longer fits the reality of our times.  Such is the position of Hardt and Negri.  I am working through their most recent book, Assembly, right now and it will be the subject of subsequent posts.

So Little Time

In an early David Lodge novel (I can’t recall its title), the narrator asserts that the difference between characters in novels and people in real life is that the characters have way more sex and less children.

I am hardly going to deny that contemporary novels usually feature more and better sex than most of us get to enjoy.  But the more striking wish fulfillment embedded in the novels I read is the abundance of time.

In A Little Life, the main character Jude is an accomplished pianist, an astounding cook (especially of pastries), takes long walks around New York City (at least until he loses his legs), works long days and most weekends at his law firm, maintains a variety of friendships, goes to art openings, the movies and plays, and oversees the renovation of at least two apartments and one house.  Not to mention the frequent trips to Europe, especially London and Paris.  If only . . .

There was brief period to time in my life when I was lonely and had time on my hands, basically the first few years of graduate school.  I did, in some ways, get more done in that time than I can, in memory, credit as possible.  The amounts I read and wrote are staggering to recall at this late date.  But even at that time I always felt pressed for time, always felt I was giving things a lick and a polish on the idea that I would return to them and give them their proper due, my full attention, at some later date.

That time in my life came to an end with the formation of some close friendships—and then my first marriage and my first job.  From that day until this, I have been deeply entangled in a network of obligations and commitments that leave little time to breathe.  Not that I am complaining.  I wanted desperately in my “out” years to move to the center of my time (a phrase from Thomas Hardy that has always been a touchstone for me).  But this busyness is always haunted by the sense of things not done, of interests left unexplored, or of tasks done in a half-assed way because of time constraints.  And it is that sense of constant hurry, or a total lack of leisure, that novels fail to portray.

Like the dyer’s hand, my nature is subdued.  I don’t think, at this point, that I am capable of doing something slowly, with pain-staking care.  I have become habituated to doing things quickly, to an ingrained sense of what is “good enough,” thus leaving time to move on to the next thing.  Just as I know that moving to the country in order to secure peace and quiet would be crazy for someone of my temperament, so the notion that I could settle into one or two activities pursued at length is most likely delusionary.  My attention span might be longer than that of our perennially maligned millennials, but I don’t want to disconnect any more than they do, even if my connections are not as often virtual.  I crave the constant input, the pace that is a little too fast for comfort, but frantic in ways that make me feel energized and alive.  Better manic than depressed any day.

Effortless Wealth

I have recently read two long novels, A Little Life by Hanya Yanagihara and The Resurrection of Joan Ashby by Cherise Wolas.  That I got through both of them is testament to their ability to grab a reader since, in my cranky old age, I now abandon novels sixty, eight, even a hundred twenty pages in, if I lose interest.

One striking thing in both novels is that the characters become wealthy way past ordinary dreams.  A thirteen year old son in the Wolas novel starts a software company that makes him a billionaire by the age of twenty-two, while his mother, the Joan Ashby of the title, just has to have her fiction submitted anonymously to a literary agent to secure million dollar advances and two million dollar movie deals.  In A Little Life the climb to fame and fortune takes a little bit longer (one of the novel’s strengths is its portrayal of young artists on the make in New York City), but the four friends at the core of the novel each succeed in ways denied to 99% of humanity, becoming a famous movie star, an acclaimed painter, a highly successful architect, and a top corporate lawyer respectively.  And they have the multiple houses and fabulous vacations to show for their virtue-gotten wealth.

Yanagihara is shrewd about the moment of the “turn,” the moment when her protagonists realize that they have “made it,” that they have stepped across the line into success.  But the shrewdness doesn’t extend to a realization that the “turn” happens to very few.  Most people slug along, with successes here and there, but without ever crossing that line, without even securing permanent fame or security.  They have “good enough” careers that are always a struggle, always retain the possibility of collapsing, don’t ever “make it” once and for all.  Just like very few people attain the levels of wealth that allow all money worries to disappear entirely.  Both novels do suggest that for people under forty these days, especially if your life is centered in New York City, it is obvious that being a millionaire doesn’t cut it.  Only hundreds of millions reaching toward a billion register in today’s economy—or today’s dreamscape.

Does this matter?  In one way, no.  If an author wants to take money and career anxieties off the table in order to focus on other things, that’s OK.  But in another way it does raise the question of the “realistic” novel.  Both of these novels tell stories about people presented as our contemporaries.  Both aspire to psychological depth and complexity.  They do aspire to be reports to readers about our current physical, mental, and spiritual condition.  So I can’t help but think that their wet dream visions of fame and wealth are telling in and of themselves.  It seems to suggest that what the two authors truly want is fame and fortune. Even if they, F. Scott Fitzgerald fashion, must rely on sheer magic to get to that promised land.  The rest be damned.

Wolas’s novel comes very, very close to making that point its main theme.  Her heroine, Joan Ashby, deeply regrets having sacrificed her art to family life.  Her “resurrection” comes with abandoning that family and, especially, her responsibilities as a mother.  Of course, she is rewarded by writing a best-selling novel and meeting a dreamy new lover.  Naturally, the new man is not just a hunk, but also a world-famous photographer. When we occupy such a blatant script of wish fulfillment, it’s hard to know how to credit the “truths” the novel clearly aspires to convey to us.

Even more confusing is the fact that the central event of the novel makes no sense at all.  Joan Ashby’s son (the other one, not the computer genius) steals an unpublished novel of hers and has it published under a pseudonym.  Somehow this is meant to assuage his horror at being the untalented one of the family.  But how?  Since the book is published under a pseudonym and he must refuse all in-person interviews or book signings in order to keep his nefarious deed a secret, what exactly did he expect to get out of this?

His mother, upon finding out, doesn’t confront him and ask why he has done this, but flees instead to India in hopes of meeting the Dalai Lama, who will bring her enlightenment.  But she also nurses a sense of deep grievance.  Her son has stolen her soul by stealing her novel, committing a sin that is irreparable.  But the remedy lies directly to hand.  Just announce to the world that the book was published under a pseudonym, but is actually the work of Joan Ashby.  There are plenty of hints, although never a direct statement, that Joan craves the attention and acclaim that comes with successful authorship.  It is that which the son has stolen from her since, after all, she has all the rest: the satisfaction of having written a well-received novel, the knowledge of having gained many readers, and all the money the book has earned.  Yet—and this is the kicker—the novel clearly expects us to sympathize entirely with Joan, to feel as outraged as her with what has transpired, and to see her flight (and refusal to deal with either her son or her husband) as not only understandable, but as heroic and noble.  The lack of any dissenting perspectives on Joan robs the book of the very depth to which it aspires.  Chasing fame and fortune trumps all else—and it is just assumed that, of course, readers will agree.  We will root for Joan and be thrilled when, in the end, she gets to have it all.

The Yanagihara novel is more complex.  It is, as its many readers and reviewers have noted, a melodrama.  Characters come in only two shades: black and white.  The one exception is the painter J.B., who drops out of the novel about half-way through.  But what the reviews I have read did not mention is how class-bound the melodrama is.  There is a wild America out there, the America of what we now think of as Trumpland.  It is a violent place, made up of sexual perverts and violent sadists.  It has no redeeming qualities and can only treat an innocent like Jude (the novel’s victim) with endless abuse.  But if you can sail from that hell into a liberal arts college and get taken up by the members and scions of the professional upper middle class, all will be well.  These people are so well-behaved, so well-meaning, so nice.  Except for one bad encounter with a violent lover, Jude is only surrounded by supportive, loving, non-violent people once he gets to college at age sixteen.  Niceness can’t overcome the traumas of Jude’s horrible childhood—which is why the New Yorker review found the novel so bracing.  Here was a writer brave enough to forego redemption or recovery for its victimized protagonist. But that’s not really how it happens.  Jude is saved by Willhelm’s love.  The author has to kill Willhelm off in a car accident to get Jude to the desired end: his suicide.  Daniel Medelsohn in the New York Review of Books thus proclaims the author the true sadist of this tale—and wonders why readers have loved a book that tortures its main character over hundreds of pages.

The lesson in Wolas’s novel seems pretty clear: money and a love of art will get you through.  Neither alone is enough, but if you have both, then you can survive this rough world.  There is more than that to Yanagihara’s tale.  What makes A Little Life such a moving novel (it is a very, very powerful melodrama, with the full Dickensian ability to make you cry) is its insistence that the real key—even though money and satisfying, well received work are essential—is friendship.  Neither novel believes (if that is the right word) in romantic love.  For Wolas, such love is a trap.  For Yanagihara, such love is only valuable the more it resembles, shades into, friendship.  Companionship is at the heart of A Little Life and the source of its emotional richness.  A disdain of companionship as weakness is what finally marks the airlessness of The Resurrection of Joan Ashby.

Protest in an Unjust Society

Not just Micah White’s The End of Protest, but also the essays of Martin Luther King, to which I have been sent by a wonderful essay by Alex Livingston, a political theorist at Cornell, and Livingston’s own book on William James [Damn Great Empires!  William James and the Politics of Pragmatism (Oxford UP, 2016)], have pushed me to this question: if the mechanisms of democratic accountability are broken, then what forms should protest take?

Let’s frame this question in Martin Luther King’s terms.  “The American racial revolution has been a revolution to ‘get in’ rather than to overthrow.  We want a share in the American economy, the housing market, the educational system and the social opportunities.  This goal itself indicates that a social change in America must be nonviolent.  If one is in search of a better job, it does not help to burn down the factory. . . . The nonviolent strategy has been to dramatize the evils of our society in such a way that pressure is brought to bear against those evils by the forces of good will in the community and change is produced” (“Nonviolence: The Only Road to Freedom [1966].)

But what is the appeal to “the forces of good will” does not work?  Even King realizes that things seldom happen because that is the right, the moral, the non-evil, thing to do.  He is quite realistic that other pressures—especially economic pressures through boycotts and political pressure through disruptive non-cooperation—must also be applied.  The bigger point, it would seem, is that these other pressures cannot be effective if the moral high ground is lost.  The social movement must be on the side of justice, must be seen as appealing to the community’s best self, in order for its other tactics to bear fruit.

Success in the rhetorical battle over right and wrong is, thus, necessary for success, but not sufficient.  At issue right now is what other ingredients are needed to complete the circle, to give us the magical combination that is gives us the necessary and the sufficient.

A big obstacle here is a fundamental asymmetry.  Protestors almost always lose the high ground if they resort to violence.  The use of violence is also tantamount (it would seem; I am on shaky ground here) to seeing overthrow of the existing power and social relations as the movement’s goal.  If you want in (as King puts it), if the goal is fuller inclusion—and inclusion along more egalitarian lines–, then it seems as if violence is ruled out.

Yet—and here is the asymmetry—the forces opposing change get to use violence without undermining their cause.  This is not a blanket statement.  There are many ways the state—and other established power centers—can lose legitimacy and popular support by resorting to violence.  But there are also many cases where state violence is not condemned, or is even applauded.  Thus, incarceration of those deemed criminals rarely generates any dissent.  Similarly, police actions against “rioters” are most often applauded and almost universally tolerated.  The present of gun-toting policeman on the streets of our cities and villages is taken for granted.

Similarly, various forms of surveillance of employees is mostly accepted and the summary firing of employees deemed trouble-makers is also immune from protest or legal redress.

In short, we have a double standard.  Violence—both direct and indirect—establishes inequality and differential treatment of citizens—and is used to uphold that unequal state of affairs.  Such violence is often unremarked, and is seldom condemned, and even more seldom openly contested.  But if those who would contest this “maintenance violence” (to coin a phrase) resort to violence, they jeopardize their whole cause.  But in a battle so unequally joined, how can the contenders, the protestors, ever hope to win.

There are, by now, both historical examples and theoretical accounts, of non-violence winning this apparently hopeless contest between established violence/inequality and those who would hope to transform prevailing conditions.  SO: never say never.

One way the civil rights movement did win some successes was by pitting some laws against other laws.  The legal system—especially on the federal level—did provide some protection against, and even the ability to annul or override, injustices legally established at the state level.  Even if democratically elected politicians were unresponsive to the protest movements, the courts were another site of possible progress.  And, of course, with the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the1965 Voting Rights Act, even the politicians were responsive.

The contrast to the anti-Vietnam war movement is instructive here.  There was never any avenue of legal redress to pursue.  Swaying politicians was the only way to get the government to change course.  And that never happened.  The New Left could not win enough elections to advance its cause; it couldn’t even scare enough politicians in the ways that the conservative movement since 1980 has been able to do.  (The “no new taxes” pledge is one example of frightening politicians into compliance; enforced attitudes toward legal abortion and gun control are another example.)  The only thing the anti-war movement accomplished was the end of the draft.  The politicians decided they could wage war so long as they didn’t force any citizen to actually fight in those wars.

As matters currently stand, conservatives—through wealthy donors and strong single issue groups—can influence politicians to a degree that the left cannot.  Although, it must be said, the conservative control only works for negative action: no gun control, no new taxes, no expansion of legal abortion rights.  Conservatives are not able to accomplish anything positive.  And now—with the failure to repeal ObamaCare and the probable failure to pass new tax cuts—their ability to do anything at all in Congress is in serious doubt.  The Trump administration, of course, can do considerable damage on its own, starting with the sabotage of ObamaCare and moving on to destructive dismantling of environmental and financial industry regulations.

More troubling is that we have now have minority government—and that minority is doing everything it can to retain its hold on power.  Voter suppression, gerrymandering, and allowing big money to dominate politics are all designed to keep a Republican Party that gets a minority of votes in power.  The dysfunctional rules of the electoral game in America are being exploited in a straight-forwardly undemocratic fashion.

Most troubling is that this Republican gaming of the system has extended to a quite deliberate—and frighteningly successful—take-over of the judiciary at every level.  The cherished path of using legal recourse to undermine the system’s inequities and injustices is being taken off the table.  In other words, where violence was, legality is about to rein.  The Republicans have done nothing illegal—as they love to keep shouting from the mountaintops, even as they gerrymander, and refuse to ratify court appointments that are put forward by Democrats.  They are, they insist, playing by the rules—even as, naturally, they use the rules to further their own interests.  That’s what winning is.  You play the game to win.  Both sides do.  And you don’t cheat.

The upshot is that an undemocratic political system and an increasingly unequal economic system is now being fully legalized.  Recourse within the system is now deeply endangered because even winning a majority of votes in an election does not give you any leverage over government, while the legal system is packed with judges who will not countenance any challenges to the electoral system or to the rights of corporations.

So: what is a protest movement to do?  I am fully willing to believe (even though I think leftists are often deluded on this score) that a majority of our fellow citizens in these united states of America do not want what our current government is delivering.  But—and this seems to me the crux—I also believe that a vast majority of those citizens are not willing to step outside the bounds of legality to challenge what is going down.  Either things have just not gotten bad enough—or do not touch them personally enough—or there is a deep in-grown habit of legality.  Whatever the explanation, this is where asymmetry hurts.  A social movement that acts outside the bounds of legality will lose any chance of mass support.  Yet the structures of legality are tightening to the point where action within their limits has less and less chance of being effective.

Massive civil disobedience is one possibility.  The classic tactic of non-cooperation.  But no suitable target immediately offers itself.  The rush to airports after the first Muslim ban was the most hopeful—and useful—response to the Trump administration to date.  The problem here is the site of noncooperation.  Civil rights activists had two obvious sites: segregated public places and voting registration offices.  In each place, they could dramatically stage their attempts to overcome unjust laws.

No such obvious sites are on offer right now.  Occupy went to Wall Street, which makes sense.  But they didn’t actually confront the financiers who were responsible for the mortgage crisis.  And they didn’t have any rhetorically effective way to force such a confrontation.

I am going to stop here.  But the search for answers will continue—not that I have any on the tip of my tongue.  Subsequent posts will keep worrying this topic.  I don’t promise any solutions.